Person: Wiesehomeier, Nina
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Nina
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Wiesehomeier
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IE University
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IE School of Politics, Economics & Global Affairs
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Comparative Politics
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Publication Presidents, Policy Compromise, and Legislative Success(The University of Chicago Press, 2017-04) Arnold, Christian; Doyle, David; Wiesehomeier, Nina; https://ror.org/02jjdwm75Presidents play a central role in legislative activity in Latin America. Previous research highlights that some form of ideological compromise on behalf of the president is vital to sustain successful legislative coalitions. Yet, primarily due to the lack of a firm empirical basis on which to measure such presidential give-and-take, the extent to which presidents make use of such policy compromise, and under what conditions this is a viable strategy, remains unknown. Applying quantitative text analysis to 305 annual “state of the union” addresses of 73 presidents in 13 Latin American countries, we remedy this situation and provide comparable time-series data for Latin American presidential movements in a one-dimensional issue space between 1980 and 2014. Our results indicate that presidents will compromise in response to changes in the median party, although this effect will be mediated by the institutional context within which the president operates.Publication Discontent and the Left Turn in Latin America(Cambridge University Press, 2013-11-08) Wiesehomeier, Nina; Doyle, David; https://ror.org/02jjdwm75The electoral success of the left across Latin America has largely been interpreted as a backlash against globalization and a manifestation of anti-market voting of citizens increasingly frustrated with their experience of representative democracy. However, studies trying to test these propositions show rather inconclusive results and face the problem of translating objective economic conditions into observable individual perceptions. This article contends that theories of subjective well-being in psychology and economics can shed light on this left turn. In particular, life satisfaction, as a manifestation of experienced utility, can help explain the electoral outcomes observed throughout the region. The findings show that support for the left is higher the more unsatisfied voters are under a right incumbent.Publication Attitudes, Ideological Associations and the Left–Right Divide in Latin America(Sage, 2012-04-01) Wiesehomeier, Nina; Doyle, David; https://ror.org/02jjdwm75Do Latin American citizens share a common conception of the ideological left–right distinction? And if so, is this conception linked to individuals’ ideological self-placement? Selecting questions from the 2006 Latinobarómetro survey based on a core definition of the left–right divide rooted in political theory and philosophy, this paper addresses these questions. We apply joint correspondence analysis to explore whether citizens who relate to the same ideological identification also share similar and coherent convictions and beliefs that reflect the ideological content of the left-right distinction. Our analysis indicates that theoretical conceptions about the roots of, and responsibility for, inequality in society, together with the translation of these beliefs into attitudes regarding the state versus market divide, distinguish those who self-identify with the left and those who self-identify with the right.Publication Parties, Candidates, and Gendered Political Recruitment in Closed-List Proportional Representation Systems: The Case of Spain(SAGE, 2019-12) Verge, Tània ; Wiesehomeier, Nina; https://ror.org/02jjdwm75Throughout the world, the number of women elected to legislatures has risen dramatically. Most of the quantitative research explaining party, district, or national differences has focused on the aggregate rather than the candidate level thereby overlooking women’s access to party ballots. In examining both the election and selection stages, we focus on Spain, a closed-list proportional representation system where parties have tight control over their ballots and the election of candidates is largely a function of rank orders on the ballot. In this South European democracy women’s representation in the national parliament has experienced an incremental track, reaching 39 percent in 2016. Party differences in gender outcomes and policies promoting equal gender representation did not vanish once a legislated quota was introduced in 2007. The empirical analysis builds on an original set of candidate longitudinal data covering nine elections held between 1986 and 2016. Specifically, we test how party and candidate factors differentially affect the selection of men and women to party ballots and their likelihood of getting elected. We show that strategic discrimination against female candidates affects all parties and it happens irrespective of candidates’ political experience, which explains why male overrepresentation has been significantly reduced but not overturned.Publication Coalition cabinets, presidential ideological adjustment and legislative success(CRV, 2019) Arnold, Christian; Doyle, David; Wiesehomeier, Nina; Oliveira Xavier, Lídia; Dominguez Avila, Carlos Federico; Fonseca, Vicente,; https://ror.org/02jjdwm75[No abstract available]Publication Profiling the electorate: Ideology and attitudes of rightwing voters(John Hopkins University Press, 2014) Wiesehomeier, Nina; Doyle, David; Luna, Juan Pablo; Rovira Kaltwasser, Cristóbal; https://ror.org/02jjdwm75[No abstract available]Publication Expert surveys(Taylor & Francis, 2018-10-11) Wiesehomeier, Nina; Hawkins, Kirk; Carlin, Ryan; Littvay, Levente; Rovira Kaltwasser, Cristóbal; https://ror.org/02jjdwm75This chapter uses expert surveys to measure populism in the context of Latin American presidential systems, contrasting two different approaches of how this research instrument can be deployed. While the first study exploits overlaps of the most prominent definitions of populism as a set of ideas, an informal style, or as political strategy and conceives of populism as a bundle of attributes combined in a single metric, the second study disaggregates these attributes, leaving it to empirical tests to explore how they, and thus the different conceptualizations of populism, relate to each other. As the contrast between both approaches reveals the limitations of the bundled approach, the chapter subsequently uses the disaggregated measures of the second study to examine if and how ten separately measured policy dimensions and the general left–right scale are associated with the degree of populism. The results indicate that across Latin America, populism is related to positioning on economic redistribution, a preference for tough measures to fight crime, and a rejection of a closer relationship with the United States. More importantly, the results show that a simple understanding of populism as anti-elite rhetoric or informal style are only able to capture specific subtypes of populism, while an operationalization in the form of the ideational approach that takes into consideration its components of people-centrism and anti-elitism in its moral version, as well as their combination into an overall index, captures populism best.Publication Populism, Ideology and Voting in Europe. An Analysis of the Attitudinal and Partisan Maps of Italian, Spanish and French Public Opinions(CSIC Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas, 2018) Boscán, Guillermo; Llamazares, Iván; Wiesehomeier, Nina; Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad; https://ror.org/02jjdwm75European party systems have witnessed the emergence of populist discursive elements among political parties with quite diverse ideological platforms. In this article we analyze the role and correlates of populist political attitudes in Spain,France,and Italy,three countries that present important differences in the nature of the parties articulating populist discourses. In the first place,we conduct factor analyses in order to explore the public opinion map of policy preferences and political attitudes in these three countries. These analyses reveal the presence of a clearly distinguishable dimension of populist attitudes in all these countries. In the second place,we examine the party system articulation of citizen preferences in the bi-dimensional spaces constituted by populist attitudes,left-right economic preferences,and preferences regarding immigration. Our analysis reveals strong associations between populist attitudes and left-right preferences at the party level,and the orthogonal relationship of populist attitudes and immigration preferences. Finally,our analysis of the socio-structural determinants of populist attitudes reveals the positive association of populist attitudes with lower income levels,less qualified occupations,and lower educational levels. © 2018 CSIC.