Wiesehomeier, Nina

Person:
Wiesehomeier, Nina

First Name

Nina

Last Name

Wiesehomeier

Affiliation

IE University

School

IE School of Politics, Economics & Global Affairs

Department

Comparative Politics

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Now showing 1 - 10 of 17

Presidents, Policy Compromise, and Legislative Success
(The University of Chicago Press, 2017-04) Arnold, Christian; Doyle, David; Wiesehomeier, Nina; https://ror.org/02jjdwm75
Presidents play a central role in legislative activity in Latin America. Previous research highlights that some form of ideological compromise on behalf of the president is vital to sustain successful legislative coalitions. Yet, primarily due to the lack of a firm empirical basis on which to measure such presidential give-and-take, the extent to which presidents make use of such policy compromise, and under what conditions this is a viable strategy, remains unknown. Applying quantitative text analysis to 305 annual “state of the union” addresses of 73 presidents in 13 Latin American countries, we remedy this situation and provide comparable time-series data for Latin American presidential movements in a one-dimensional issue space between 1980 and 2014. Our results indicate that presidents will compromise in response to changes in the median party, although this effect will be mediated by the institutional context within which the president operates.
Discontent and the Left Turn in Latin America
(Cambridge University Press, 2013-11-08) Wiesehomeier, Nina; Doyle, David; https://ror.org/02jjdwm75
The electoral success of the left across Latin America has largely been interpreted as a backlash against globalization and a manifestation of anti-market voting of citizens increasingly frustrated with their experience of representative democracy. However, studies trying to test these propositions show rather inconclusive results and face the problem of translating objective economic conditions into observable individual perceptions. This article contends that theories of subjective well-being in psychology and economics can shed light on this left turn. In particular, life satisfaction, as a manifestation of experienced utility, can help explain the electoral outcomes observed throughout the region. The findings show that support for the left is higher the more unsatisfied voters are under a right incumbent.
Expert surveys in party research
(Taylor & Francis, 2023) Meijers, Maurits; Wiesehomeier, Nina; Carter, Neil; Keith, Daniel; Sindre, Gyda; Vasilopoulou, Sofia; https://ror.org/02jjdwm75
Expert surveys have become indispensable data resources in party research. This chapter takes stock of the developments of expert surveys on political parties, and looks ahead at the challenges that face expert survey research. We trace the expansion of this tool over the last 35 years for measuring not only political parties’ policy positions on a plethora of policy dimensions but also its increasing use to elicit judgements on non-policy-related party characteristics such as organisational features as well as parties’ attitudes towards issues pertaining to democracy and representation. The chapter furthermore reviews the ways in which the resulting data has been utilised in party research. Finally, we discuss the methodological challenges that expert survey projects must tackle in the future, with specific attention to problems concerning expert bias, cross-country comparability, and expert burden and fatigue.
Xs we share: Context similarity, culture, and the diffusion of populism
(Wiley, 2024-12-23) Wiesehomeier, Nina; Düpont, Nils; Ruth Lovell, Saskia ; German Research Foundation; https://ror.org/02jjdwm75
Do populist ideas travel across borders? Anecdotal evidence suggests as much, yet so far we lack a systematic assessment of whether diffusion takes place, and if so under which conditions. We argue that context similarity enables the diffusion of populism among parties as it eases the adaption of populist framing of perceived grievances into the local context. Using a dyadic approach, we analyze diffusion effects among 923 parties in 67 countries from 1970 to 2018. We find that similar levels of political and economic exclusion foster learning from and emulating other parties abroad. We also uncover conditional effects for learning from other parties facing similar levels of income inequality or public sector corruption that hinge on a cultural prescreening. Combined, our results have important implications for a better understanding of diffusion processes in general and the spread of populist ideas around the globe in particular.
Trust the People? Populism, Trust, and Support for Direct Democracy
(Cogitatio Press, 2024-10-28) Wiesehomeier, Nina; Ruth Lovell, Saskia ; https://ror.org/02jjdwm75
Populism is commonly understood as a response to frustrations with the functioning of modern democracy, while the use of direct democratic mechanisms has been hailed as a remedy for the ailing of representative democracies. Indeed, populism’s emphasis on direct citizen participation in decision-making is tightly linked to its distrust of representative institutions and the political elite as the cornerstone of mediated representation. Trust, however, matters for any functioning democratic institutional arrangement, and we contend that its role warrants more attention when considering the viability of alternative modes of decision-making such as referendums, particularly in the nexus of populism–democracy. Using original public opinion surveys implemented in Argentina, Germany, Italy, Portugal, and Spain, we distinguish among different objects of trust—elites, institutions, “the people,” or the society at large. We also explore citizens’ levels of trust in these objects and their association with institutional designs of direct democracy. Our results offer preliminary insights into the importance of horizontal and vertical trust relationships in shaping procedural preferences for different configurations of direct democracy.
Conditional Populist Party Support The Role of Dissatisfaction and Incumbency
(Cambridge University Press, 2025-02-03) Wiesehomeier, Nina; Ruth Lovell, Saskia ; Singer, Matthew; https://ror.org/02jjdwm75
Populists emerge when distrust of state institutions or dissatisfaction with democracy convince voters that claims about conspiring elites blocking the general will are valid. We propose that these dynamics change when populists are incumbents; once they command institutions, their sustained support becomes contingent upon trust in the new institutional order, and they are held accountable for making people think democracy is working well. Newly collected data on party populism and survey data from Latin America show that support for populist parties in the region is conditioned by satisfaction with democracy as well as the incumbency status of populists. Dissatisfied voters support populist opposition parties, but support for populist incumbents is higher among those satisfied with democracy and its institutions. While democratic deficits and poor governance provide openings for populists, populists are held accountable for institutional outcomes.
Populism in Power and Different Models of Democracy
(Cambridge University Press, 2025-01-15) Ruth Lovell, Saskia ; Wiesehomeier, Nina; https://ror.org/02jjdwm75
Populism is both prolific and resilient. By now, populist forces around the globe have managed to enter the highest echelons of power (Rovira Kaltwasser and Taggart 2016). It is no wonder that the contemporary academic debate has shifted its focus to exploring the consequences of populism in power, particularly its impact on democracy. Although populism and democracy are not synonymous, the representation of “the people” is a central claim to both. Most populism scholars agree that “all forms of populism without exception involve some kind of exaltation of and appeal to ‘the people’” (Canovan 1981, 94). However, depending on which democratic ideas are emphasized over others—as well as which political practices and structures are favored to institutionalize these ideas (Dahl 1991; Held 2006; Lijphart 2012)—the basic tenet of the “rule by the people” may have many different meanings.
Corruption, Opportunity Networks, and Gender: Stereotypes of Female Politicians’ Corruptibility
(Oxford Academy, 2020) Wiesehomeier, Nina; Verge, Tània; https://ror.org/02jjdwm75
Given the gender stereotype that women are more ethical than men, people should assess female politicians as being less corruptible. Yet information about access to networks suggests that opportunities to engage in unethical behavior may counter this perception. Using a conjoint analysis in a nationally representative survey in Spain, a country shaken by corruption scandals, we asked respondents to identify the more corruptible politician between two hypothetical local councilors by imagining an investor willing to offer a bribe to advance business interests. Results indicate that female politicians do symbolically stand for honesty. However, this assessment is offset by embeddedness cues signaling a woman politician’s access to opportunity networks. We discuss our findings in light of instrumentalist arguments for an increase of women in politics as a means to combat corruption.
Attitudes, Ideological Associations and the Left–Right Divide in Latin America
(Sage, 2012-04-01) Wiesehomeier, Nina; Doyle, David; https://ror.org/02jjdwm75
Do Latin American citizens share a common conception of the ideological left–right distinction? And if so, is this conception linked to individuals’ ideological self-placement? Selecting questions from the 2006 Latinobarómetro survey based on a core definition of the left–right divide rooted in political theory and philosophy, this paper addresses these questions. We apply joint correspondence analysis to explore whether citizens who relate to the same ideological identification also share similar and coherent convictions and beliefs that reflect the ideological content of the left-right distinction. Our analysis indicates that theoretical conceptions about the roots of, and responsibility for, inequality in society, together with the translation of these beliefs into attitudes regarding the state versus market divide, distinguish those who self-identify with the left and those who self-identify with the right.
How Presidents Answer the Call of International Capital
(Sage, 2023-11-01) Arnold, Christian ; Doyle, David; Wiesehomeier, Nina; https://ror.org/02jjdwm75
How do governments manage expectations from international capital keen on pressuring them into adopting market-oriented economic policies during times of crises? Studying executive communication in 267 annual state-of-the-union speeches in 12 Latin American countries between 1980 and 2014 reveals two broad options for strategic position-taking on economic policies. First, when times are dire, presidents not only talk more about the economy and less about social policy, but they also attempt to repurpose other policies as an investment in development. Second, economic turmoil encourages presidents to signal policies, which are appealing to international capital owners. However, while currency crises exert more enduring pressure, the effects of loan crises are more fleeting. Our results are particularly relevant to all who seek to understand how governments use public statements to address pressures from financial markets.